Too many loose ends in Lankan army’s version
of Prabhakaran’s death.
Precisely because he is many things to many people, LTTE leader V. Prabhakaran’s death has been greeted with joy by the Sinhalese, grief by his Tamil supporters, and relief by many who hope his death will bring peace to Sri Lanka.
But is he really dead? I was sceptical of the first report, which said he was killed while fleeing the war zone in an ambulance. No way. Prabhakaran would not do something so idiotic. Remember, the Sri Lankan army told us that Prabhakaran and his cadres were surrounded in a tiny patch of land, less than 1 sq.km. The area was so small and so well surrounded that anyone coming out on a bicycle would be spotted and stopped. So logically, what chance would an ambulance have of sprinting past unnoticed? If he had to flee from such a tiny war zone, he would have scurried out through an underground tunnel.
And then came the picture of Prabhakaran’s corpse. The first question: if he was killed in an ambulance, how come his body was discovered in a lagoon? The picture looked fake. Top of the head was blown off, but the face was clear and the eyes wide open. Prabhakaran’s most distinguishing feature are his eyes, which seemed artificially wide, as if someone was trying to prove it was indeed him by grabbing attention to his eyes. It reminded me of the front-page picture of the terrorist killed in a shootout in Ansal Plaza in New Delhi a few years ago. I had said then that I found it hard to believe that the terrorist had died that way with the gun in his hand. I have seen innumerable civilians, soldiers and guerrillas lying dead in battlefields. They don’t look like this. Forensically, I did not see how it was possible that a guy involved in a massive shootout could die so perfectly posed. Subsequent investigations reinforced these doubts.
That is the same feeling I had when I saw the picture of Prabhakaran’s corpse. Far from setting my doubts to rest, the picture convinced me that something was fishy. The initial version was that soldiers had “shelled” the ambulance, which caught fire and was destroyed. If you pummel an ambulance with artillery shells or rocket propelled grenades, it will explode. So, if Prabhakaran were inside, his body would have been blown to bits. At the very least, charred. And when his dog tags and identity cards surfaced, the whole thing seemed even more of a set-up. Besides, Karuna’s and Daya Master’s identification of Prabhakaran’s body has as much credibility as a confession extracted in police custody. I am not saying that I know for sure Prabhakaran is alive. What I am saying is that this version of his death does not ring true.
If he knew there was no way out, he would not only have killed himself but have made sure his body was not found. There are two reasons for this. One, he is a keen student of military history and knows if his body were found, it would be desecrated by the victorious Sinhalese soldiers. All triumphant soldiers have done this through history. I can vividly recall the dead Afghan leader Najibullah hanging from a Kabul lamp-post, cigarette stuffed in his nose, body bloated and beaten black and blue by the victorious Taliban. I have seen videos of dead female LTTE soldiers being stripped naked and paraded by gleeful Sinhalese soldiers.
Prabhakaran is an extraordinarily proud man, one who believes he is fighting to restore the honour and glory of the Tamils. He will not allow himself to be desecrated. So not only will he swallow his cyanide, have his bodyguard shoot him to make his death doubly sure, but he will ensure that his body is blasted to bits, so that no corpse ever surfaces.
That brings me to the second reason why he would ensure his body was never found. Remember, one of his favourite heroes is Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Even today, there are people who believe that Bose is still alive. The mystery and the mystique remain. If Prabhakaran’s body is never found, no one can be sure whether he is really dead or alive and the conspiracy theories will spin forever. Purpose served, especially if he is dead. I don’t think he was killed, more likely he took his own life. If I were to pick a day that he decided to commit suicide with his top cadres, it would be May 16.
In my last article published in THE WEEK (Crouching Tiger, May 3) on what I expected Prabhakaran’s next move to be, I had written, “He will be watching the Indian elections closely to see which dispensation takes charge in New Delhi. He will be watching to see if there is a popular upsurge of support in Tamil Nadu for the plight of Tamils across the Palk Strait. …He will be watching President Barack Obama who rightly analysed that conflicts stem from our perception of the other.”
On May 13, Obama urged the Tigers to “lay down their arms” and the government to stop the “indiscriminate shelling that has taken hundreds of innocent lives”. Tiger spokespersons said they were willing to accede to Obama’s request, but the Sri Lankan government refused to slacken or halt the final onslaught. On May 16, the Indian election results came out and the Congress made a resounding comeback. Staunch LTTE supporters like Vaiko were routed. Prabhakaran has been waging this battle alone for the last three years and he knows what it has cost him-his cadres, the Tamil civilians and the diaspora. It has been truly horrific. Surviving another five years with a hostile Congress establishment at the helm in India and an impotent international community is very hard.
In the past, after he was routed, Prabhakaran started all over again from scratch. That is why I had said I could envision him continuing the war. But with Congress’s victory, and adamancy of the Sri Lankan state to disregard even the American president, I can see why he saw the futility of continuing his struggle, deciding then to fight unto death.
In his introduction to an absolute must-read 1964 book, The World of Yesterday by Austrian author Stefan Zweig, Harry Zohn talks about the three times that Zweig had to start his life all over, caught up as he was between the two world wars. Writes Zohn: “Too exhausted to start a fourth, Zweig took his life in Brazil soon after completing his autobiography, at a time when the prospects for the realisation of all that he had ever striven for looked particularly bleak.” Zweig and Prabhakaran are complete opposites. But this, I think, sums up Prabhakaran’s mood on May 16. What lends some credence to my theory is that several members of the Tamil diaspora said they began getting calls from their LTTE contacts in Vanni, tearfully bidding farewell. That most of the top rung of the LTTE’s military wing are dead, points to mass suicide.
Rumours began circulating in the blogosphere on May 16 that Prabhakaran and 300 of his top cadres had committed mass suicide. In fact, Sri Lanka’s army web site posted an item at 17:51 on May 17 from the battlefront: “Self-ignited LTTE explosions [were] heard and witnessed in close vicinity. Likelihood of Tigers committing suicide en masse or burning of LTTE assets on their own has not been ruled out.” Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa announced victory and end of war. On May 17 afternoon, the LTTE issued a statement: “This battle has reached its bitter end. We remain with one last choice-to remove the last weak excuse of the enemy for killing our people. We have decided to silence our guns.” The statement blamed the silence of the international community, the impunity with which the Sri Lankan government ignored urgent appeals, used words like “desperate” and “saddened”, referred to “bitter end” twice. And added: “Against all odds, we have held back the advancing Sinhalese forces, without help or support…. Our only regrets are for the lives lost and that we could not hold out any longer.” It reads like a suicide note.
For an even more absurd reason, I am inclined to believe that he could have committed suicide on May 17. Prabhakaran was very superstitious and once confessed to me that the number 8 is very unlucky for him-even though he was born on November 26. So he never undertook major offensives on 8th, 17th and 26th of a month. I reported that. And the Sri Lankan army took it easy on those days. But Charles Anthony, his son, couldn’t care less about superstition. Many of the operations he commanded were on 26th, precisely to surprise the army. On April 26, 2006, an LTTE suicide bomber tried in vain to assassinate Sri Lankan army commander Sarath Fonseka. From this superstitious perspective, it is perhaps not a coincidence that the likely date of Prabhakaran’s suicide is May 17. When Prabhakaran told me about his superstition regarding numbers, I read Cheiro. According to Cheiro, people born with the birth number 8 are destined for great successes and great failures! If he has indeed committed suicide, this prediction certainly rings true for him!
On May 18 at 3 a.m. Vanni time, the LTTE political chief B. Nadesan and its peace secretariat director Puleedevan telephoned their European contacts requesting them to ask the ICRC to evacuate about 1,000 of their wounded cadres and LTTE’s civil officials. But a few hours later, the Sri Lankan defence ministry claimed they had found the dead bodies of Nadesan, Puleedevan and Anthony. The LTTE accused the Sri Lankan government of “treachery”. Their version is that their international contacts told them that arrangements had been made with the Sri Lankan military to discuss “an orderly end to the war”. So as instructed, Nadesan and Puleedevan, unarmed and carrying white flags, contacted the 58 division of the Sri Lankan troops operating nearby. But they were shot and killed. If this is true, under international conventions, this would be a war crime. The number of dead bodies shown on Sri Lankan web sites indicates that this war ended with a bloody massacre.
Sri Lankan army released pictures of Anthony’s corpse on May 18. Up until then, they had been releasing old pictures of a bulky Anthony in battle fatigues. But now two photos were released-one in which he is alive and the other his corpse. The strange thing is in both pictures he is wearing the same blue shirt. The explanation then could be that he, with Nadesan and Puleedevan, had gone dressed in civilian clothes with white flags to the 58 division. Pictures were taken, where he looks clean-shaven, relaxed and neat. And then something went wrong and a massacre followed some time later (the dead Anthony’s face has stubble). All Tiger fighters wear combat fatigues, so if he was fighting, Anthony should have been wearing battle dress. But the army’s version is that Anthony and others arrived dressed in civilian clothes on what was a suicide mission. But then that doesn’t explain the picture of Anthony alive.
Intriguingly, it took another whole day before the government released the picture of Prabhakaran’s body. If Prabhakaran did indeed blow himself up along with his top cadres, then there can be no body to parade. In which case, the government came up with a Prabhakaran “double”. How weird is that? But the answer could be simple-the army was under pressure to show a dead body as proof. If the Sri Lankan military has evidence that Prabhakaran did indeed blast himself, then they can be certain he will not surface to dispute their claim. On May 20, Sri Lanka’s defence ministry web site carried a bizarre announcement: “We are not going to comment on how he died.”
But the story gets more curious. The LTTE is silent about Anthony, but has issued a statement that Prabhakaran is alive and safe. But few believe the LTTE, so rumours are now rife that Prabhakaran will give a television interview to prove he is alive. That will be a bombshell if it happens, suggesting he had waged an elaborate war of deception, complete with his own “double”. Any move he makes will be picked up by the Sri Lankan intelligence. But that is if he is alive. A Sinhalese blogger said: “He is alive and well-in hell.”
But all these conspiracy theories can be quelled. The international community can force Sri Lanka to share the DNA tests done on Prabhakaran and Anthony and verify if they match Prabhakaran’s sisters’ who live in Canada and Europe. India and the four co-chairs-the United States, Europe, Japan and Norway-should insist on this.
‘The Week’
Tuesday, October 6, 2009
Thursday, September 10, 2009
Kohona hits out at EU over trade concession
Sri Lanka's top diplomat today hit out at the European Union for "punishing" the country, after EU investigators recommended canceling a £1bn trade concession over the country's failure to honor human rights commitments.
Palitha Kohona, Sri Lanka's ambassador to the UN, said the country would "handle the loss" of the export privilege, which allows businesses on the island to export 7,200 items to Europe duty free.
The trade concession, known as GSP Plus, depends on compliance with human rights standards – and a damning 130-page review handed to the Sri Lankan government last month makes it clear that the EU should withdraw preferential treatment for the Indian Ocean nation.
The report includes allegations that the government backed Tamil paramilitary groups who were involved in "child abductions, torture and killings of civilians".
But in an interview with the Guardian, Kohona said the EU should consider whether it was interested in the past or the future. "Hundreds of thousands of people, especially women who work in the export sector, will be impacted in order to punish Sri Lanka for apparent human rights violations," he said. "This smacks of a cynical approach to the problem by the European Union".
He said that Sri Lankan goods could find new markets in Asian economies. "We can handle [the loss]. Western countries should remember that economic power has shifted from the west to the east. New markets open up in the east. Our friends China, India, Japan, Korea, Iran … a whole range of countries [can help]."
But Kohona admitted that the loss of EU trade would be a blow to the country that was "liberated" from Tamil Tiger rebels after a 26-year war ended in a short, bloody clash on a beach in northern Sri Lanka in May. "We won a war against terrorism … the EU should recognize that."
It is estimated that between 7,000 and 20,000 civilians lost their lives in the last weeks of fighting and campaigners say dissent in Sri Lanka has been ruthlessly crushed, with journalists murdered and activists imprisoned.
According to sources in Colombo, EU investigators found that there had been a "wholesale failure of the criminal justice system" when investigating murders by "state agents". The report condemns Sri Lankan security forces for "perverting the evidence and silencing witnesses, rather than conducting any real investigations".
It also draws attention to the plight of nearly 300,000 Tamil refugees who are still being held in government camps, to which the media and aid organizations have restricted access. The report describes the situation where internally displaced persons have no freedom of movement as "unacknowledged detention".
Sri Lanka's trade ministry has already conceded that the "report is very adverse and GSP Plus is very unlikely", but a final decision by Brussels will be taken in October.
Western diplomats in Colombo say the Sri Lankan government is reconciled to the loss of the EU concession. "[The government] is trapped by their own rhetoric which means they can never be seen to give in to the west," said one.
The EU, with strong backing from Britain, has supported calls by the UN human rights commissioner for an independent investigation into alleged war crimes by both the Sri Lankan army and the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.
In July, a number of countries, including the US and Britain, publicly abstained – an unprecedented move – when the board of the International Monetary Fund voted to approve a $2.6bn loan.
If the EU does withdraw the trade concession it will mark a turning point in relations. There has been growing unease in the west about alleged human rights abuses during and after Sri Lanka's war against the rebels. But so far this pressure has been deflected by other countries which have used overwhelming military force to quell secessionist movements.
Two large arms suppliers – China and Russia – backed Sri Lanka at the UN security council, blocking all attempts at censure.
This week Britain's high commission in Colombo was caught in a media storm over its failure to issue a five-year, multiple entry visa to Kohona. The high commission said there was no "political bias".
The Sri Lankan diplomat said he was unperturbed by "western pressure". "Sri Lanka has enough friends around the world. You have to realize that financial resources and power is no longer concentrated in one part of the world." (Guardian.co.uk)
Palitha Kohona, Sri Lanka's ambassador to the UN, said the country would "handle the loss" of the export privilege, which allows businesses on the island to export 7,200 items to Europe duty free.
The trade concession, known as GSP Plus, depends on compliance with human rights standards – and a damning 130-page review handed to the Sri Lankan government last month makes it clear that the EU should withdraw preferential treatment for the Indian Ocean nation.
The report includes allegations that the government backed Tamil paramilitary groups who were involved in "child abductions, torture and killings of civilians".
But in an interview with the Guardian, Kohona said the EU should consider whether it was interested in the past or the future. "Hundreds of thousands of people, especially women who work in the export sector, will be impacted in order to punish Sri Lanka for apparent human rights violations," he said. "This smacks of a cynical approach to the problem by the European Union".
He said that Sri Lankan goods could find new markets in Asian economies. "We can handle [the loss]. Western countries should remember that economic power has shifted from the west to the east. New markets open up in the east. Our friends China, India, Japan, Korea, Iran … a whole range of countries [can help]."
But Kohona admitted that the loss of EU trade would be a blow to the country that was "liberated" from Tamil Tiger rebels after a 26-year war ended in a short, bloody clash on a beach in northern Sri Lanka in May. "We won a war against terrorism … the EU should recognize that."
It is estimated that between 7,000 and 20,000 civilians lost their lives in the last weeks of fighting and campaigners say dissent in Sri Lanka has been ruthlessly crushed, with journalists murdered and activists imprisoned.
According to sources in Colombo, EU investigators found that there had been a "wholesale failure of the criminal justice system" when investigating murders by "state agents". The report condemns Sri Lankan security forces for "perverting the evidence and silencing witnesses, rather than conducting any real investigations".
It also draws attention to the plight of nearly 300,000 Tamil refugees who are still being held in government camps, to which the media and aid organizations have restricted access. The report describes the situation where internally displaced persons have no freedom of movement as "unacknowledged detention".
Sri Lanka's trade ministry has already conceded that the "report is very adverse and GSP Plus is very unlikely", but a final decision by Brussels will be taken in October.
Western diplomats in Colombo say the Sri Lankan government is reconciled to the loss of the EU concession. "[The government] is trapped by their own rhetoric which means they can never be seen to give in to the west," said one.
The EU, with strong backing from Britain, has supported calls by the UN human rights commissioner for an independent investigation into alleged war crimes by both the Sri Lankan army and the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.
In July, a number of countries, including the US and Britain, publicly abstained – an unprecedented move – when the board of the International Monetary Fund voted to approve a $2.6bn loan.
If the EU does withdraw the trade concession it will mark a turning point in relations. There has been growing unease in the west about alleged human rights abuses during and after Sri Lanka's war against the rebels. But so far this pressure has been deflected by other countries which have used overwhelming military force to quell secessionist movements.
Two large arms suppliers – China and Russia – backed Sri Lanka at the UN security council, blocking all attempts at censure.
This week Britain's high commission in Colombo was caught in a media storm over its failure to issue a five-year, multiple entry visa to Kohona. The high commission said there was no "political bias".
The Sri Lankan diplomat said he was unperturbed by "western pressure". "Sri Lanka has enough friends around the world. You have to realize that financial resources and power is no longer concentrated in one part of the world." (Guardian.co.uk)
Wednesday, September 2, 2009
Interview with The Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe
By Frederica Jansz
Q: The Presidential system of governance introduced by J.R. Jayewardene has seen the ruling party staying in power for a long period of time. The UNP was there for 17 years and now it’s the SLFP led alliance. Do you feel that the current system gives the ruling party such a big advantage in elections that it is unhealthy for democracy?
A: As far as the Executive Presidency is concerned the big debate at the time was that some of us wanted very specific details relating to a position of the president. President J.R. Jayewardene who was a supporter of the Westminster system said that whatever we needed could be done through conventions which was the practice at that time. However, the conventions relating to the constitution are not applied at all today. Under the present scenario, the President is not appointing the Constitutional Council and the independent commissions. What we want to ensure is that the executive head is accountable to parliament. We have to change the present Executive Presidency. The model to replace the existing system is what we are discussing.
Q: People complain that as the main opposition party the UNP has not played its role in a democracy allowing the government a free hand to undermine democracy. How do you respond to this criticism?
A: The UNP has been playing its role. There is public opinion that has to be moulded through the media. The opposition has a say and the government has a say. We have raised many issues. The government has undermined the whole democratic process. There is no free media and the media is suppressed.
In January this year the MTV/Sirasa station was burnt. This was followed two days later by the killing of The Sunday Leader Editor in Chief, Lasantha Wickrematunge. Two weeks later, Upali Tennekoon was assaulted. Then Poddala Jayantha was attacked. However, the media has not taken up the cause strongly enough or sufficiently.
I don’t blame them, as they are afraid. I remember an incident that took place during President Premadasa’s time — a policeman pushed a journalist and he had fallen. The Free Media Movement at the time held a protest and the media walked out of the cabinet briefing. That was how the media reacted then.
A person in a village told me that earlier the media used to walk out if something small like a fly touched their bodies, but now they are silent even when harassed, attacked and killed. There needs to be an assessment among the media as well. I recall the time back in 1973 when Mrs. Bandaranaike took over Lake House and sealed the Davasa newspaper. At that time the media took a very strong stance. Likewise now too, the media needs to take a stand. It is also up to the people to take a stand too. After all the people need to protect the media as it is the media that speaks for them as well.
Q: What do you mean when you say up to the people? What can they do in this climate of intimidation and harassment?
A: We have to take the issues to the people. We need to discuss this issue with them and we have to start by holding meetings at a grass root level.
Q: Does that mean it will be on a political platform?
A: No it will be through word of mouth (kata maadya), which is the best form of communication. This is something that President Jayewardene believed in. He said if 10 million people are willing to speak the matter has been taken up. In the next three to four months we will take these issues to the people. We are planning on holding discussions island-wide.
I have already met with some media people and they have thanked me for taking up issues of media threats on their behalf. I also want to meet with publishers since everyone must come together and take up these issues. One media institution cannot fight it alone. Everyone has to meet each other at least half way.
Q: One of the key reasons for the weakness of your party is the internal squabbles that are going on. You are the party leader and you have not been able to unite the party.
A: Actually, at a stage when the war has been concluded by the government, there are many views expressed on what our policy should be. Once we take a decision then you either stand with the party policies or leave. We are in the process of deciding the party policies and it will be finalised by next month.
Q: The main reason for the internal squabbling is that a section of the party feels that you are a liability and only a new leader could reinvigorate the party? After losing two presidential elections and numerous other elections isn’t it time to call it a day?
A: The party can decide who the leader is. So far, a few people are shouting and the media is giving it publicity. How many are calling for a change? It is only a few. The party has now decided on its future course and they need to tow the party line. The party’s Political Affairs Committee has given two papers on the formation of an alliance which are being discussed. Once the party finalises this policy, then all issues are sorted.
Q: If that is the case what concrete steps are you planning to take to strengthen the party and win the confidence of the people considering that a presidential election is expected by early next year to be followed by a general election?
A: We are looking first at a parliamentary election and getting the party organised for it. If there is no party organisation then we can’t face any election. We are strengthening the party organisation and are currently in the process of identifying the people as organisers. We are having youth organisation meetings as well. Organising the party is one aspect in preparing for an election. The other is communication strategy. However, a good communication strategy could not be there if the party did not have a proper organisation. We also feel that several civil society organisations would also join in with the formation of the Alliance.
Q: When the government declared all out war against the LTTE you ridiculed the government. Wasn’t that bad judgment and hasn’t that decision come back to haunt you?
A: I never ridiculed the war. What I said was that while you fight the LTTE, you have to put forward a political solution as well. If the solution was in place, the government could have easily solved other issues that came after the war. There are resettlement and IDP issues. There is confusion if there will be a political solution. Meanwhile, Channel 4 in UK has shown Tamil youths being executed. If the main issues were addressed none of this would have happened. If a political solution were put forward then the LTTE and Prabhakaran would have had a problem.
If the government came out with the political solution, then the Tamil community would have backed it forcing the LTTE to stop fighting and enter into negotiations. My stance has always been that we needed to place a political solution on the table first. Thereafter if so required a military thrust could have also been pursued. If the political solution was put forward, The LTTE would not have been able to sustain a military campaign for long and such big losses in lives would not have happened.
Q: Whatever you say it is very clear that your party has not been able to find any traction with the people. Your detractors say that by you hanging on to the party at any cost you have made the UNP a shadow of what it was?
A: The UNP is not a shadow of what it was. If the LTTE and Rajapakse did not get together, the UNP would have been the winner. If the government was so sure the UNP was not going to win, why go through all that trouble and if I’m not a threat, then why attack me? The government is using this to cover up all other issues.
Q: If the UNP loses the Southern Provincial Council elections badly would that convince you to rethink the entire strategy?
A: We are looking at a national strategy. However, the UNP is contesting the provincial election. The alliance would contest all elections at national level. The alliance would come out with a national strategy, which would look at key issues.
Q: In politics things can change quickly and dramatically. But as it is aren’t the odds stacked against the UNP winning the presidential and general elections next year?
A: In my view the UNP has a good chance of winning. Mrs. Bandaranaike formed a coalition in April 1964. Then she brought bills to establish the Press Council and to nationalise Lake House. Everyone told my father that all was over, but the UNP and the media took the challenge. Between September and December everything changed and the government was defeated in parliament.
Q: People fear that if the UNP continue to go down the current path this country will end up as a one party democracy. Don’t you think that if that happens, history will hold you responsible for it?
A: The UNP is coming out with a new strategy with the alliance. I understand the people are frustrated. We have taken up issues which are not being carried in the media. We are fighting. On the other hand, what is the OPA (Organization of Professionals Association) and the business community doing?
In the ‘70s also people were frightened, but they came out. If influential sections of society want to be dependent on the government, then they cannot enjoy individual rights and freedom. The media also needs to decide. If the media is not willing to face reality, where can it go? I feel the media has to come out. You had three issues – the arson attack on MTV, Lasantha Wickrematunge’s assassination and Upali Tennekoon’s attack all within a few weeks. What has the media done?Either take your battle on and then criticise the UNP or the JVP if they do not act accordingly. The media is now being forced to prop up the government.
Q: The UNP led by you traversed the negotiation path to settle the ethnic problem but success has been with the prosecution of war. How do you feel in hindsight?
A: There has been a history of violence related to the ethnic problem. In the case of Ireland the demand for Home Rule came in 1840. Terrorism started during World War I. Then the UK allowed part of it to become Ireland. However, terrorism and violence started in Northern Ireland, which ended only in 2007, 10 years after the Belfast Agreement. These are not issues that could be resolved soon.
My way was to go for negotiations. A number of Tamils said let’s go for negotiations. As a result of negotiations, over 4,000 LTTE cadres, who played a key role in gaining ground in the north and east from 1999 to 2001 left the organisation and entered into civilian lifestyles. They got married and began to live normal lives.
Differences then arose between the eastern and northern cadres. The negotiations were backed by the Tamil community. Once you have the support of the Tamils, the LTTE would have had to come for negotiations and renounce war. My strategy was to at all times minimise the loss of life and property. The more we lose the more bitterness arises. My strategy was to go for negotiations first but also be prepared for military action if it became necessary. We have lived through a lifetime of this issue and we must see that the next generation does not go through the same.
Q: What are the chances of the UNP wresting power to govern in the short term or if not in the long term?
A: We are looking at shorter term.
Q: In June this year the United National Party called for a parliamentary select committee to examine police investigations into the abduction and killing of hundreds of people, including journalists and politicians, over the past three years by death squads associated with the military. What has happened since?
A: The government is not agreeable to it. We have raised the issue from time to time in parliament.
Q: The presidential form of government is yet the law of the land. It is speculated that presidential elections will be called by early next year. Who will be the candidate from the UNP or the common opposition as it is being called?
A: As I said the UNP has decided. When it is time to decide for a presidential election the party will make the announcement.
Q: Will it look as if you will not run as President Rajapakse has such popularity after the war? Will it be someone else leaving you to run when it’s more advantageous later?
A: We have to decide when the time is opportune. The government has not said anything specific. All this means you are taking publicity from all other issues that need to be focused for something that may not be there.
Q: After plunging the country back to war in 2006, President Mahinda Rajapakse and his government pressured and intimidated the media, but did not revive the Press Council. Do you see his decision to do so now as a sign of political weakness, or strength?
A: More and more people are getting together to fight the reactivation of this law. The government is still finding it difficult to find media people to implement it.
Q: When will the infighting within your parliamentary group stop?
A: Many policies have been decided. We have to agree on the alliance and the party strategy. There will be a clear path. You must either go along with the party and its policies or leave the party.
Q: Where do you see yourself politically or otherwise in five years?
A: I have never thought of it. I have been in politics long enough to know that one week in politics is a long time.
Q: Where do you see Sri Lanka in five years?
A: Sri Lanka in five years could be in serious difficulty or be in a very good position. It is true that the LTTE has been defeated. But you can’t suppress the people of Sri Lanka for too long. You can’t have family rule for too long. The question is whether we are going to change.
In the 1960s when changes were happening in the world, we missed it and we changed only in 1977. It is now a New World and what we have done so far is no longer sufficient. Look at our foreign earnings. We are dependent on a few exports like apparels, tea and other commodities and foreign remittances from those employed overseas. A lot of the remittances came in from Sri Lankans employed in the Middle East. Even in the Middle East economies have collapsed. The era of the Middle East being a source of income is changing.
There are new emerging markets and Sri Lanka has to change its export strategy. Where the apparel industry is concerned, the living standards in the US and European Union won’t improve soon. People won’t be purchasing new clothing items for some time and there are many other countries that have also entered the market. It is going to be very competitive.
After 1997 there is no other new sector that has started in Sri Lanka. In order to have a new source of income there have to be new sectors of economy. Sri Lanka has to tackle this problem soon. Only a UNP government is capable of doing so.
By Frederica Jansz
Q: The Presidential system of governance introduced by J.R. Jayewardene has seen the ruling party staying in power for a long period of time. The UNP was there for 17 years and now it’s the SLFP led alliance. Do you feel that the current system gives the ruling party such a big advantage in elections that it is unhealthy for democracy?
A: As far as the Executive Presidency is concerned the big debate at the time was that some of us wanted very specific details relating to a position of the president. President J.R. Jayewardene who was a supporter of the Westminster system said that whatever we needed could be done through conventions which was the practice at that time. However, the conventions relating to the constitution are not applied at all today. Under the present scenario, the President is not appointing the Constitutional Council and the independent commissions. What we want to ensure is that the executive head is accountable to parliament. We have to change the present Executive Presidency. The model to replace the existing system is what we are discussing.
Q: People complain that as the main opposition party the UNP has not played its role in a democracy allowing the government a free hand to undermine democracy. How do you respond to this criticism?
A: The UNP has been playing its role. There is public opinion that has to be moulded through the media. The opposition has a say and the government has a say. We have raised many issues. The government has undermined the whole democratic process. There is no free media and the media is suppressed.
In January this year the MTV/Sirasa station was burnt. This was followed two days later by the killing of The Sunday Leader Editor in Chief, Lasantha Wickrematunge. Two weeks later, Upali Tennekoon was assaulted. Then Poddala Jayantha was attacked. However, the media has not taken up the cause strongly enough or sufficiently.
I don’t blame them, as they are afraid. I remember an incident that took place during President Premadasa’s time — a policeman pushed a journalist and he had fallen. The Free Media Movement at the time held a protest and the media walked out of the cabinet briefing. That was how the media reacted then.
A person in a village told me that earlier the media used to walk out if something small like a fly touched their bodies, but now they are silent even when harassed, attacked and killed. There needs to be an assessment among the media as well. I recall the time back in 1973 when Mrs. Bandaranaike took over Lake House and sealed the Davasa newspaper. At that time the media took a very strong stance. Likewise now too, the media needs to take a stand. It is also up to the people to take a stand too. After all the people need to protect the media as it is the media that speaks for them as well.
Q: What do you mean when you say up to the people? What can they do in this climate of intimidation and harassment?
A: We have to take the issues to the people. We need to discuss this issue with them and we have to start by holding meetings at a grass root level.
Q: Does that mean it will be on a political platform?
A: No it will be through word of mouth (kata maadya), which is the best form of communication. This is something that President Jayewardene believed in. He said if 10 million people are willing to speak the matter has been taken up. In the next three to four months we will take these issues to the people. We are planning on holding discussions island-wide.
I have already met with some media people and they have thanked me for taking up issues of media threats on their behalf. I also want to meet with publishers since everyone must come together and take up these issues. One media institution cannot fight it alone. Everyone has to meet each other at least half way.
Q: One of the key reasons for the weakness of your party is the internal squabbles that are going on. You are the party leader and you have not been able to unite the party.
A: Actually, at a stage when the war has been concluded by the government, there are many views expressed on what our policy should be. Once we take a decision then you either stand with the party policies or leave. We are in the process of deciding the party policies and it will be finalised by next month.
Q: The main reason for the internal squabbling is that a section of the party feels that you are a liability and only a new leader could reinvigorate the party? After losing two presidential elections and numerous other elections isn’t it time to call it a day?
A: The party can decide who the leader is. So far, a few people are shouting and the media is giving it publicity. How many are calling for a change? It is only a few. The party has now decided on its future course and they need to tow the party line. The party’s Political Affairs Committee has given two papers on the formation of an alliance which are being discussed. Once the party finalises this policy, then all issues are sorted.
Q: If that is the case what concrete steps are you planning to take to strengthen the party and win the confidence of the people considering that a presidential election is expected by early next year to be followed by a general election?
A: We are looking first at a parliamentary election and getting the party organised for it. If there is no party organisation then we can’t face any election. We are strengthening the party organisation and are currently in the process of identifying the people as organisers. We are having youth organisation meetings as well. Organising the party is one aspect in preparing for an election. The other is communication strategy. However, a good communication strategy could not be there if the party did not have a proper organisation. We also feel that several civil society organisations would also join in with the formation of the Alliance.
Q: When the government declared all out war against the LTTE you ridiculed the government. Wasn’t that bad judgment and hasn’t that decision come back to haunt you?
A: I never ridiculed the war. What I said was that while you fight the LTTE, you have to put forward a political solution as well. If the solution was in place, the government could have easily solved other issues that came after the war. There are resettlement and IDP issues. There is confusion if there will be a political solution. Meanwhile, Channel 4 in UK has shown Tamil youths being executed. If the main issues were addressed none of this would have happened. If a political solution were put forward then the LTTE and Prabhakaran would have had a problem.
If the government came out with the political solution, then the Tamil community would have backed it forcing the LTTE to stop fighting and enter into negotiations. My stance has always been that we needed to place a political solution on the table first. Thereafter if so required a military thrust could have also been pursued. If the political solution was put forward, The LTTE would not have been able to sustain a military campaign for long and such big losses in lives would not have happened.
Q: Whatever you say it is very clear that your party has not been able to find any traction with the people. Your detractors say that by you hanging on to the party at any cost you have made the UNP a shadow of what it was?
A: The UNP is not a shadow of what it was. If the LTTE and Rajapakse did not get together, the UNP would have been the winner. If the government was so sure the UNP was not going to win, why go through all that trouble and if I’m not a threat, then why attack me? The government is using this to cover up all other issues.
Q: If the UNP loses the Southern Provincial Council elections badly would that convince you to rethink the entire strategy?
A: We are looking at a national strategy. However, the UNP is contesting the provincial election. The alliance would contest all elections at national level. The alliance would come out with a national strategy, which would look at key issues.
Q: In politics things can change quickly and dramatically. But as it is aren’t the odds stacked against the UNP winning the presidential and general elections next year?
A: In my view the UNP has a good chance of winning. Mrs. Bandaranaike formed a coalition in April 1964. Then she brought bills to establish the Press Council and to nationalise Lake House. Everyone told my father that all was over, but the UNP and the media took the challenge. Between September and December everything changed and the government was defeated in parliament.
Q: People fear that if the UNP continue to go down the current path this country will end up as a one party democracy. Don’t you think that if that happens, history will hold you responsible for it?
A: The UNP is coming out with a new strategy with the alliance. I understand the people are frustrated. We have taken up issues which are not being carried in the media. We are fighting. On the other hand, what is the OPA (Organization of Professionals Association) and the business community doing?
In the ‘70s also people were frightened, but they came out. If influential sections of society want to be dependent on the government, then they cannot enjoy individual rights and freedom. The media also needs to decide. If the media is not willing to face reality, where can it go? I feel the media has to come out. You had three issues – the arson attack on MTV, Lasantha Wickrematunge’s assassination and Upali Tennekoon’s attack all within a few weeks. What has the media done?Either take your battle on and then criticise the UNP or the JVP if they do not act accordingly. The media is now being forced to prop up the government.
Q: The UNP led by you traversed the negotiation path to settle the ethnic problem but success has been with the prosecution of war. How do you feel in hindsight?
A: There has been a history of violence related to the ethnic problem. In the case of Ireland the demand for Home Rule came in 1840. Terrorism started during World War I. Then the UK allowed part of it to become Ireland. However, terrorism and violence started in Northern Ireland, which ended only in 2007, 10 years after the Belfast Agreement. These are not issues that could be resolved soon.
My way was to go for negotiations. A number of Tamils said let’s go for negotiations. As a result of negotiations, over 4,000 LTTE cadres, who played a key role in gaining ground in the north and east from 1999 to 2001 left the organisation and entered into civilian lifestyles. They got married and began to live normal lives.
Differences then arose between the eastern and northern cadres. The negotiations were backed by the Tamil community. Once you have the support of the Tamils, the LTTE would have had to come for negotiations and renounce war. My strategy was to at all times minimise the loss of life and property. The more we lose the more bitterness arises. My strategy was to go for negotiations first but also be prepared for military action if it became necessary. We have lived through a lifetime of this issue and we must see that the next generation does not go through the same.
Q: What are the chances of the UNP wresting power to govern in the short term or if not in the long term?
A: We are looking at shorter term.
Q: In June this year the United National Party called for a parliamentary select committee to examine police investigations into the abduction and killing of hundreds of people, including journalists and politicians, over the past three years by death squads associated with the military. What has happened since?
A: The government is not agreeable to it. We have raised the issue from time to time in parliament.
Q: The presidential form of government is yet the law of the land. It is speculated that presidential elections will be called by early next year. Who will be the candidate from the UNP or the common opposition as it is being called?
A: As I said the UNP has decided. When it is time to decide for a presidential election the party will make the announcement.
Q: Will it look as if you will not run as President Rajapakse has such popularity after the war? Will it be someone else leaving you to run when it’s more advantageous later?
A: We have to decide when the time is opportune. The government has not said anything specific. All this means you are taking publicity from all other issues that need to be focused for something that may not be there.
Q: After plunging the country back to war in 2006, President Mahinda Rajapakse and his government pressured and intimidated the media, but did not revive the Press Council. Do you see his decision to do so now as a sign of political weakness, or strength?
A: More and more people are getting together to fight the reactivation of this law. The government is still finding it difficult to find media people to implement it.
Q: When will the infighting within your parliamentary group stop?
A: Many policies have been decided. We have to agree on the alliance and the party strategy. There will be a clear path. You must either go along with the party and its policies or leave the party.
Q: Where do you see yourself politically or otherwise in five years?
A: I have never thought of it. I have been in politics long enough to know that one week in politics is a long time.
Q: Where do you see Sri Lanka in five years?
A: Sri Lanka in five years could be in serious difficulty or be in a very good position. It is true that the LTTE has been defeated. But you can’t suppress the people of Sri Lanka for too long. You can’t have family rule for too long. The question is whether we are going to change.
In the 1960s when changes were happening in the world, we missed it and we changed only in 1977. It is now a New World and what we have done so far is no longer sufficient. Look at our foreign earnings. We are dependent on a few exports like apparels, tea and other commodities and foreign remittances from those employed overseas. A lot of the remittances came in from Sri Lankans employed in the Middle East. Even in the Middle East economies have collapsed. The era of the Middle East being a source of income is changing.
There are new emerging markets and Sri Lanka has to change its export strategy. Where the apparel industry is concerned, the living standards in the US and European Union won’t improve soon. People won’t be purchasing new clothing items for some time and there are many other countries that have also entered the market. It is going to be very competitive.
After 1997 there is no other new sector that has started in Sri Lanka. In order to have a new source of income there have to be new sectors of economy. Sri Lanka has to tackle this problem soon. Only a UNP government is capable of doing so.
Friday, August 21, 2009
Govt. says it has a million mouths to feed in IDP camps
Rejects allegations of inhuman refugee camps
by Zacki Jabbar
Rejecting allegations that internally displaced Northern Tamils, were suffering in refugee camps, the government said yesterday that it has to feed a million mouths each day.
Export Development and International Trade Minister G. L. Peiris, asked about Opposition allegations that 280,000 IDP’s had to put up with inhuman conditions, said that it was easy to criticize, but the government was doing a tough job under trying circumstances.
"We are willing to rectify any wrongs, but it must be remembered that a huge effort is being put in, to make the IDP’s comfortable. Nearly a million mouths have to be fed each day."
Media Minister Anura Priyadharshana Yapa, when referred to IDP requests that they be permitted to live with their relations in Sri Lanka or go abroad, said that such stories were being spread by opportunistic Opposition politicians.
"As a government, we are doing our best. Some of the IDP’s have already been resettled."
The UNP, meanwhile, has called on the government to permit around 175,000 women, children and old people, being "forcibly kept" in northern refugee camps, to live with their relations either in Sri Lanka or abroad.
Kandy District UNP MP Lakshman Kirielle said that the government by preventing the 280,000 IDP’s from escaping the "appalling conditions under which they are forced to live, was violating their basic human rights."
Under what laws are they prevented from leaving? he queried. "We can understand LTTE suspects being detained, but how can innocent women, children and old people, be denied the liberty to live comfortably with their kith and kin?"
Rejects allegations of inhuman refugee camps
by Zacki Jabbar
Rejecting allegations that internally displaced Northern Tamils, were suffering in refugee camps, the government said yesterday that it has to feed a million mouths each day.
Export Development and International Trade Minister G. L. Peiris, asked about Opposition allegations that 280,000 IDP’s had to put up with inhuman conditions, said that it was easy to criticize, but the government was doing a tough job under trying circumstances.
"We are willing to rectify any wrongs, but it must be remembered that a huge effort is being put in, to make the IDP’s comfortable. Nearly a million mouths have to be fed each day."
Media Minister Anura Priyadharshana Yapa, when referred to IDP requests that they be permitted to live with their relations in Sri Lanka or go abroad, said that such stories were being spread by opportunistic Opposition politicians.
"As a government, we are doing our best. Some of the IDP’s have already been resettled."
The UNP, meanwhile, has called on the government to permit around 175,000 women, children and old people, being "forcibly kept" in northern refugee camps, to live with their relations either in Sri Lanka or abroad.
Kandy District UNP MP Lakshman Kirielle said that the government by preventing the 280,000 IDP’s from escaping the "appalling conditions under which they are forced to live, was violating their basic human rights."
Under what laws are they prevented from leaving? he queried. "We can understand LTTE suspects being detained, but how can innocent women, children and old people, be denied the liberty to live comfortably with their kith and kin?"
Wednesday, August 19, 2009
Racial, religious parties to be banned
New bill to be introduced this month; more representation for women in politics
By Chandani Kirinde
Legislation to outlaw political parties bearing the identity of a religion or a race will be introduced in Parliament later this month, a senior minister said yesterday.
Minister and Government Chief Whip Dinesh Gunawardena, who chaired a parliamentary select Committee on Electrical Reforms, told the Sunday Times the new draft laws would also for the first time give powers to the Elections Commissioner to de-recognise political parties if they fail to conform to the new law.
Dinesh Gunawardena
He said registered political parties that carried the name of a religion or race would be required to reapply for recognition within one year of the new law coming into effect and would not be recognized if they did not comply with the law.
The minister said de-recognition of political parties too is a new feature. According to the Elections Commissioner, there are some 60 registered political parties at present but only about 20 are active.
The minister said that under the new legislation any party that did not field even one candidate for two consecutive parliamentary elections would not be given an extension of registration.
The new legislation would also ensure adequate representation for women in political parties. All registered parties would also need to hold an annual general meeting and its audited accounts would need to be published in Sinhala, Tamil and English newspapers. In addition an audited copy of the statement would have to be sent to the Election Commissioner within 60 days after the end of every financial year.
He said a political party would not be treated as a recognised party if its name was identical with that of another recognised party or in the opinion of the Elections Commissioner resembled such a name as to be calculated to mislead, confuse or deceive the people.
The new law would also require the Commissioner to issue, from time to time, a code of conduct to be observed during elections by political parties and candidates.
New bill to be introduced this month; more representation for women in politics
By Chandani Kirinde
Legislation to outlaw political parties bearing the identity of a religion or a race will be introduced in Parliament later this month, a senior minister said yesterday.
Minister and Government Chief Whip Dinesh Gunawardena, who chaired a parliamentary select Committee on Electrical Reforms, told the Sunday Times the new draft laws would also for the first time give powers to the Elections Commissioner to de-recognise political parties if they fail to conform to the new law.
Dinesh Gunawardena
He said registered political parties that carried the name of a religion or race would be required to reapply for recognition within one year of the new law coming into effect and would not be recognized if they did not comply with the law.
The minister said de-recognition of political parties too is a new feature. According to the Elections Commissioner, there are some 60 registered political parties at present but only about 20 are active.
The minister said that under the new legislation any party that did not field even one candidate for two consecutive parliamentary elections would not be given an extension of registration.
The new legislation would also ensure adequate representation for women in political parties. All registered parties would also need to hold an annual general meeting and its audited accounts would need to be published in Sinhala, Tamil and English newspapers. In addition an audited copy of the statement would have to be sent to the Election Commissioner within 60 days after the end of every financial year.
He said a political party would not be treated as a recognised party if its name was identical with that of another recognised party or in the opinion of the Elections Commissioner resembled such a name as to be calculated to mislead, confuse or deceive the people.
The new law would also require the Commissioner to issue, from time to time, a code of conduct to be observed during elections by political parties and candidates.
Tuesday, August 18, 2009
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